This history is offered in an attempt to help the descendants of Francillo Durfee\Durfey have a better idea of the eventful life and the great sacrifices and trials of this outstanding man and his wives. There are several excellent short histories of Francillo and his family. So far we have not found any information written by Francillo himself, but he is mentioned frequently in the journals of his contemporaries and in several books. It has also been possible to place the family during specific events in Church History.

ADurfee,@ ADurfey,@ ADurffy@ and other spellings have been used interchangeably from the time of the immigrant ancestors. During this time period, people spelled phonetically, and it is not uncommon to find various spellings of the same name. The spelling of each particular document has been retained. The Jarvis Johnson and Bowen family histories refer to Francillo as AFrank.@ While this may have been the name by which his family knew him, the other histories and references list him as AFrancillo.@ Any discrepancies found between the various histories will be noted and the supporting arguments for each case presented. (Any corrections or additions to this manuscript, whether typographical or informational, will be greatly appreciated. Email: durffam@usa.net).

Francillo was a remarkable man who lived through a turbulent time in history. As his Puritan and Quaker ancestors some two hundred years earlier, Francillo left his home and family in search of religious freedom, helping to carve a new civilization out of the wilderness. Though he lived only fifty eight years, his life was full of demanding challenges and exciting adventure. His wives, Mariam Jones and Cynthia Harrington Bowen, each shared a separate part of his life. Both were courageous women who sacrificed much for the gospel they had embraced, and they willingly supported their husband in his responsibilities. The influence of Cynthia=s first husband, Elias Bowen, also had a great impact in the lives of the two families, now joined.

Francillo was born 17 May 1812, the youngest of nine children born to Ebenezer and Sarah Newton Durfee. Ebenezer, a veteran of the Revolutionary War, was twenty-five when he married nineteen year old Sarah in Ellington, Tolland, Connecticut. Their first five children (Polly, Sally, Prosper, Ebenezer Jr., and Lorinda) were born in Ellington. About 1796, Jedediah, Ebenezer=s older brother, moved west to the frontier settlement of Lincoln, Addison, Vermont, and enticed Ebenezer and Sarah to join him. In 1801, Ebenezer, Asa Meader, and Nathan Hoag Alocated in the east part of the town, calling their settlement >Elder Hill,= on account of the abundant quantities of sweet elders which grew there. Their wives came the following spring@ (History of Lincoln County).

Their son, Milo, was born about the time Sarah joined Ebenezer in Lincoln. Two years later, seven-year-old Lorinda died. Between 1806 and 1812, three other children, Melinda, Dennis, and Francillo, were born. Francillo=s oldest sister was nearly twenty years older than he, and his youngest brother Dennis was four years older, so Francillo was closer in age to his nieces and nephews than to most of his siblings (Ebenezer Durfee Family Group Sheet).

Lincoln was located in the Green Mountains of Vermont. For all its beauty, the settlement was isolated and undeveloped and its climate harsh. The first several years were difficult ones for the pioneers. Middlebury, the nearest town, was twenty miles away over undeveloped roads; everything had to be freighted in and out with drags or sleds. The winters were long with much snow, and the growing season was very short. In 1816, it froze every month, with a deep snow falling on the sixth of June. The crops were a failure, and the families were worried about how they would be able to get supplies for the winter. The men and boys worked long hours felling the red elm trees which grew in great abundance, burning them and leaching the ashes for potash to sell in Boston and other markets. They used the money to buy much needed supplies. Ebenezer was a cooper, or barrel maker, and he and his sons made most of the barrels for the potash. Francillo learned the skill from his father and would later sustain his family by working as a cooper. The woods were thick with game, especially deer, rabbits, and partridges. All of the men and boys, including Francillo, became expert at using the flint-lock musket. It was said that Aa sight at the deer at a reasonable distance was sure death to him@ (History of Lincoln).

The women were no less hardy and hard working. The following story was recorded about Sarah, but no date was given.

The settlers made improvements in their town; one of the first was the building of a small log schoolhouse which was located near the graveyard. The histories indicate that Francillo=s Aunt Olive was the first teacher there, but the records show that Olive was his cousin, the daughter of Jedediah, and not his aunt (L.D.S. Family). Francillo attended school there, receiving Aa good education for those days@ (Marble). His favorite sport was ice skating on Lake Champlain (Marble). The lake was about twenty five miles away from Lincoln. Such a distance over undeveloped roads seems too far for Francillo to have traveled just to ice skate. Ebenezer moved to Westport, New York (a town on the southwestern point of Lake Champlain) when Francillo was about 19 years old, and he may have referred to that time as Abeing a boy@. He also liked to skate on the New Haven River (Marble).

Francillo married Mariam Jones on 4 May 1831, just thirteen days before his nineteenth birthday. Mariam was nearly twenty-two. She was born 29 August 1809 in Pittsfield, Rockingham, New Hampshire. Unfortunately, little is known about Mariam outside of her birth and death dates. We don=t even know her actual name as there are several variations listed, including Miriam, Marion and Mariana. She was probably named after her father=s aunt, Miriam Jones Barton (John Jones Family Group Sheet) but her granddaughter, Alice Durfee Rice, and Francillo Jr.=s granddaughters recorded her name as Mariam. Mariam was the seventh of either ten or eleven children born to Joseph and Ruth Peasley or Peaslee Jones. (Information on their family group sheet is not complete.) Joseph and Ruth were married in Pittsfield and lived there until about 1804 when they moved to Hillsboro County, New Hampshire, for about three years before returning to Pittsfield. Mariam=s ancestors on both sides were early settlers in New England (Family Group Sheets). Her grandfather, Jacob Jones, was a Quaker and well known in New England as an expert clock builder (History of Pittsfield). Her father, Joseph, learned the trade from his father. At some point after their children were born, Joseph and Ruth moved to Lincoln, Vermont, but there is no record as to when they came or how long they stayed (Kevin Durfee, p. 3).

Francillo and Mariam set up housekeeping in Lincoln. Francillo probably supported the family by farming and working as a cooper (Kevin, p. 4). Their first child, Myron Bushnell, was born there on 22 December 1832. Henry Dennison was born on 6 September 1833, in Westport, Essex, New York. Westport was about 40 miles from Lincoln, and many people had moved there for employment in the rapidly developing iron industry (Kevin, p. 4). Ebenezer had moved there in about 1831. By 1835, Francillo and Mariam had returned to Lincoln where Richard James was born on the ninth of June. He died just seven months later (2 January 1836). James Madison was born in Lincoln on 10 January 1837, just a year after the death of Richard James. Their first daughter, Marion Braidfoot, was born on 10 May 1839, in Bristol, a town about five miles from Lincoln (Francillo Durfee Family Group Sheet).

In 1840 Sisson Chase, a missionary of the newly established Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, arrived in Lincoln. He converted many members in that area, baptizing Francillo and Mariam in that same year. Several of Francillo=s family also joined the church at that time, including his sister Melinda and her husband, Josephus Hatch, their children and several members of Josephus= family. Lucina Roberts, the daughter of Francillo=s oldest sister Polly was baptized, as well as Francillo=s cousins, Royal and William R., sons of Jedediah Durfee. Some of the children of his uncle, Joseph Durfee, may also have been baptized (IGI, Ancestral File, Infobases Family History Suite, Internet Correspondence with Sandra Nolan).

Francillo was ordained to the Aaronic Priesthood on 5 June 1841 by Sisson Chase (Latter Day Saint Family, p. 19). In the summer of 1842, Sisson Chase led the AVermont Party@ of newly converted Saints, including the Durfees, to Nauvoo, Illinois, the gathering place of the early Church members.

On 1 October 1842, about the time Francillo and his family entered Nauvoo, the Times and Seasons published the following description of the city:

Jacob Scott, a convert from Canada, described the conditions in Nauvoo during the Durfee=s first winter there:

Nehole, a famous lecturer and traveler of the time, wrote of his visit to Nauvoo in the Salem Advertiser:

Francillo and his family lived in the eastern portion of the city, near the outskirts of town. He was a member of the Third Municipal Ward of the Church (Kevin, p. 7) and ordained an elder in the 6th Quorum of Seventies on 9 Apr 1844 by President Joseph Young (Latter Day Saint Family, p. 19). Records show that he paid $18.00 of city taxes for the years 1842-1844. Eight dollars of the tax were for one cow, and the remaining ten dollars for other properties, such as furniture or tools of the trade. He signed several city petitions requesting improvements to streets and other facilities (Kevin Durfee, p.7).

Francillo and Mariam received the Patriarchal Blessings while in Nauvoo. (Punctuation and spelling are retained.)

Blessing

Given by Hyrum Smith at Nauvoo, Ill, March 6th 1843

Their peace was short lived; Francillo, Mariam and their family were soon caught up in the tragic events surrounding the martyrdom of the Prophet and Hyrum. In his later years, Francillo told of seeing the prophet draw his sword, declaring that he would Aspill every drop of blood in his body before he would see the Saints persecuted@ (Marble). On June 27, 1844, the prophet Joseph Smith and his brother Hyrum were martyred in the Carthage Jail, a few miles from Nauvoo. The Durfees lined the streets with the thousands of other mourners to watch the procession which carried the bodies back to Nauvoo. AMany were weeping and visibly distressed; there was a sense of hopelessness and deep sorrow as they watched the horsemen and the two wagons move along the street between the rows of mourners@ (Kevin, p. 8). Francillo and Mariam were among the Aliving stream@ of grieving saints who entered the Mansion House to view the bodies and pay their respects.

Conditions continued to deteriorate in Nauvoo. Those who had supposed the deaths of Joseph and Hyrum would put an end to the Church became alarmed when it seemed to become even stronger. Thousands more Saints poured into the city, and work on the temple progressed at a frantic pace. Governor Thomas Ford lamented that Athe murder of the Smiths, instead of putting an end to...the Mormons...only bound them together closer than ever...(giving) them new confidence in their faith@ (Iowa, p. 35). Anti-Mormon sentiment increased, and threats of violence were everywhere. The Bloomington Herald reported, ANot content with the inhuman murder of the two Smiths, the anti-Mormons still thirst for blood and are supposed to be laying plans for driving them from the country, or destroying their lives and property@ (Iowa, p. 35). Mobocrats petitioned the governor to expel the Mormons from Illinois, and Ford warned the leaders that it would Abe good policy for your people to move to some far distant country...I do not foresee the time when you will be permitted to enjoy quiet.@ Four hundred men were assigned to protect the temple from attack, and no stranger was allowed to come close to the temple (Iowa, pp. 35-36).

On 18 March 1845 a second daughter was born to Francillo and Mariam. They named her Emma. All around them hostilities increased, and the mobbers became more violent. Bathsheba Smith, living in Nauvoo, wrote of the persecution of the Saints in the outlying areas.

Francillo=s home was one of those burned. He was gone for supplies when mobbers turned Mariam and the children out of their home and burned their cabin. Mariam, still weak from Emma=s birth, caught pneumonia and died on 27 September 1845. She was just thirty-six years old. Her grieving husband was left with five motherless children ranging in age from six months to thirteen years old. Her gravesite is unknown (Histories of Francillo Durfee).

The deadliness of the September attacks made it clear to the Church leaders that they would have to leave Nauvoo the next spring. They began to make preparations for an orderly exodus, appointing company captains and dividing the people into groups for travel. They set up assembly lines for the building of 3,500 wagons, advertised for a thousand yoke of oxen, and offered to exchange over twenty thousand acres of farm land for supplies or money for the journey. The leaders anticipated having to move between 15,000 and 16,000 Saints (Iowa, p. 39).

Even as they prepared for the journey west, the Saints labored faithfully on their temple, hoping to be able to receive their endowments before leaving Nauvoo. On 12 January 1846 Brigham Young recorded, AOne hundred and fourty-three persons received their endowments in the temple. I have given myself up entirely to the work of the Lord in the Temple, night and day, not taking more than four hours sleep, upon an average per day, and going home but once a week@ (qtd. by Kevin, p. 9). Francillo was one of those who received their endowments that day (Family Group Sheets and Histories).

The already impossible situation worsened. The mobocrats who had been so anxious to expel the Saints from Illinois now accused the Mormons of being traitors who were heading into western territory to set up a rival nation. Governor Ford encouraged the circulation of rumors, later explaining that he hoped it would panic the Mormons and force them to leave Illinois more quickly. Everywhere were stories of federal and state troops being deployed to stop the Saints from leaving Nauvoo, that anti-Mormons were planning to steal their wagons and supplies, and that the members of the Twelve Apostles were going to be captured and imprisoned. The Twelve felt that is was essential for the Saints to begin their removal from Nauvoo immediately, and so the exodus began on 4 February 1846. Brigham Young welcomed any who wanted to go with that first group, stressing that people shouldn=t worry if they weren=t with the first company. Those who could manage to go left Nauvoo. No one went with their assigned companies, and many family groups were split apart (Iowa, pp. xvi, 39). Francillo and his family left with that first group (Marble). It is possible that his sister Melinda and niece Lucina and their families accompanied them (Various histories in LDS Family History Suite 2).

The suffering people camped in the freezing cold and snow for nearly a month. Some of the wagons returned briefly to Nauvoo. Bathsheba Smith described the scene in her journal:

On March 1, the ACamp of Israel,@ as the Winter Exodus of about 3,000 Saints was called, left their encampment on the western bank of the Mississippi River. An advance group of about one hundred pioneers had been sent ahead to improve roads and bridges, locate campsites, and collect firewood (Iowa, p. xvii). Francillo=s sentiments upon leaving with the Camp of Israel must have echoed those of Luman Shurtliff.

Because it was winter, the Camp traveled along the Missouri border so that they could obtain supplies and feed for their animals by working for the Missouri settlers. Their only destination at that time was Awest.@ The mud was a constant problem, and some days they made very little progress. On about Mary 20 they came Aonto the Old Mormon Trail,@ later named the AMissouri Trace,@ which had been the route of the Saints as they had fled from Missouri to Nauvoo only eight years before. Exiled again, the Saints followed the Missouri Trace for a number of miles. The crossing of the Chariton River on 22 Mary 1846 was a difficult trial for the weary Saints.

Camping on a hilltop just above the river, the Camp of Israel was bogged down by bad weather until the first of April. Hosea Stout wrote, AWe filled the ridge with our tents and wagons for perhaps half a mile.@ Eliza R. Snow wrote, AThe Ground was clay soil, and the mud of our street and about our fires, in our tents, etc. is indescribable.@ Once they were able to travel, the leaders determined that they would continue along the Missouri-Iowa border and cross the Missouri River at Bank=s Ferry, just about St. Joseph, Missouri (Iowa, p. xix).

By April 12, the camp leaders decided that the resources of the Saints were too strained for them to continue on to the Rockies as they had planned. They decided to Achange course and

head northwest toward Council Bluffs to establish a temporary farm settlement along the way.@

The prairie grasses began to grow, the mud cleared up, and Arattlesnakes appeared in abundance@ (Iowa, p. xx). Groups of Saints were left at Garden Grove and Mt. Pisgah to garner their supplies and establish farm communities as way stations for the Saints who were yet to come. Others were sent back with teams and wagons to help the Saints, especially the poor, who were still in Nauvoo make the journey. At Mt. Pisgah, the AChurch leaders knelt together in prayer out on the prairie..., after which they returned to the camp with >renewed assurance that the Lord was with us and were comforted=.@ Brigham Young and a company of fifty started out on 1 June 1846 with Avarious companies leaving one after the other for several days.@ By June 13, many of the weary travelers had reached the Council Bluffs area and began to set up camps on both sides of Mosquito Creek (Iowa, p. xxi).

By this time, the Saints were scattered in makeshift camps from Nauvoo to Council Bluffs, Iowa, most of the people in dire circumstances. The Potawatomi Indian agent had refused their request to winter on the tribal lands east of the Missouri River and the situation was becoming desperate (Pioneer, Summer, p. 14).

Bits of information indicate that Francillo and his motherless children had continued on to Council Bluffs from Mt. Pisgah. It is probable that Francillo, Melissa, Lucina, and other members of the family were all living near each other.

The hopeless situation had prompted Brigham Young to write to Jesse Little, calling him on a mission to Washington D.C., requesting any help that the government might give the beleaguered people. Colonel Thomas Kane, a friend of the Mormon people, arranged a meeting between Elder Little and President Polk (Pioneer, p. 17). The Mexican War had just begun, and President Polk was eager to have a detachment of American soldiers in California to protect the claim of the United States. It was decided that they would offer aid to the Mormons by enlisting 500 of their men Awith a view to attach them to our country and prevent them from taking part against us@ (Mormon Battalion, p. 6). Under the direction of Colonel Kearney, Captain James Allen was sent to make the offer to the Mormon leaders. He met with Wilford Woodruff who had been passing through Mt. Pisgah on his way west. Brother Woodruff gave the Captain permission to address the Saints. His message was not well received. Hosea Stout expressed the feelings of most of the Mormons when he wrote in his journal:

Captain Allen continued on to Council Bluffs to put his request before Brigham Young and the other leaders. Wilford Woodruff sent a dispatch to foreward the president, giving the leaders two days to counsel and pray about their decision before Captain Allen arrived. They recognized that Aenlisting Mormons into the United States military would insure the migrating Saints a place to stay on the Indian lands, secure a stock of guns, provide much needed capital and give the pioneers the opportunity of being (the first) settlers in a new land@ (Pioneer, p. 15).

Within twenty days of Allen=s arrival, four hundred and fifty Mormon men had been mustered into the United States Army for a period of one to two years. Messengers had been sent back along the trail to Mt. Pisgah, Garden Grove, and even Nauvoo, informing them of the need for volunteers. Many of them did not reach Council Bluffs in time to join the Battalion, but their manpower strengthened the Camp and they built homes and planted crops, helping to shelter and feed the families of the Battalion members (Pioneer, p. 16). Fifty more men were enlisted within the next few days, making five companies of about 100 men each, plus several servants and the wives and families of some of the men. Many of the women were to serve as laundresses for the companies. The men were marched eight miles south to Peter Sarpy=s trading post on the Missouri River where they were issued their gear and supplies. Most of the men returned to their families for the few days remaining to them (Pioneer, p. 16).

Francillo Durphy is listed in the Mormon Battalion Roster as a member of Company C, under the command of James Brown, Captain. Jarvis Johnson, the sixteen year old grandson of Francillo=s oldest sister Polly was also in Company C. Francillo was about the age of Jarvis= deceased father, and the two of them became very close. Jarvis= granddaughter, Esta Webb Brown, wrote about Jarvis joining the Mormon Battalion in his life history.

A steam boat which had been promised to Captain Allen didn=t come, so the soldiers set out on foot on Tuesday, 21 July 1846. A morning downpour had soaked their packs and clothing, and they had left most of their rations with their families (Pioneer, p. 17).

It must have been hard for Francillo to leave his five motherless children and embark upon this expedition. Myron was 14, Henry Dennison, almost 13, James Madison, 9, Miriam, 7, and Emma, just over a year old. He may have left his children in the care of his sister, Melinda, or Jarvis= mother, Lucina, or some of their Lincoln neighbors.

On July 30, Andrew Shupe recorded that the men of the Battalion were camping in a grove of trees when a terrible wind came up. As trees were being blown over everywhere, the men herded their animals to safety. No men were injured, but an ox was killed. The next day, the men traveled through Weston, Missouri, and the people there were Aastonished at the good order in the ranks@ (qtd. By Kevin, p. 12).

To their dismay, Captain Allen became ill and died just a month into their journey. He had been well liked and had treated the men honestly, so his death was greatly mourned. Captain Allen had promised that Athere would be no officer in the Battalion, except himself, only from among our own people,@ and in the event of his death, Jefferson Hunt, captain of Company A, would assume command. This was important to the men of the Battalion, since their officers had been called by Brigham Young through inspiration. Instead, A.J. Smith, First Lieutenant, 1st Dragoon, took over command until the Battalion reached Santa Fe. Colonel Philip St. George Cooke then took charge of the Battalion, under orders of Colonel Kearney (Mormon Battalion, p. 15-16).

The trek was arduous; the plains were sandy, with no timber and very little water. They traveled some two hundred miles up a dry stream bed which was about a half mile wide. Nathaniel V. Jones of Company D noted:

Francillo and Jarvis were assigned as scouts and hunters for their company. Jarvis= granddaughter recorded the following:

En route to Santa Fe, the Battalion met William Crosby, one of the Mississippi Saints, somewhere near the crossing of the Arkansas River. This group of forty three Mormon pioneers had joined the church in Mississippi, and traveled west, hoping to intercept or at least follow the main body of Saints to their stopping place. When they reached Fort Laramie, they discovered that the Saints were wintering in Council Bluffs, Iowa. John Renshaw, a trapper, advised the Saints to travel to Pueblo where they could get supplies and stay comfortably through the winter, and he guided them there. Pueblo, a trading post established in 1842 by an American and his Spanish wife, had rapidly become a prosperous settlement. Its inhabitants were raising large herds of cattle and had crops of grains, potatoes, oats, watermelons, pumpkins, and vegetables. The Mississippi Saints settled a short distance from the existing settlement, and immediately began to build log houses and plant crops. Several of the men, including William Crosby, were returning to Mississippi to bring family members who had been left behind (Women of the Battalion, p. 10).

Many of the battalion members had become very ill. Aside from the hardships of the march, the army doctor had been forcing medicine upon the men; his cure turned out to be a mixture of calomel and arsenic (Mormom Battalion, p. 20). Upon learning of the favorable conditions in Pueblo, the officers determined to send a detachment of some of the ailing Battalion members, several women, and most of the children. The AHiggins@ or AArkansas@ detachment left the main group in September 1846.

The remaining members of the Battalion continued on to Santa Fe. Many more soldiers had become very ill, and it was determined that the sick battalion members as well as the remaining women and children would also be sent to Pueblo. Eighty six Battalion members along with twenty women and their children left Santa Fe on October 18, under the leadership of James Brown, commander of Company C. Francillo and Jarvis were part of this group, though it is not known if they were ill or chosen by Captain Brown, their company commander and Francillo=s friend, to go along to help. They arrived in Pueblo on 15 November 1846. A third group of sick soldiers, the AWillis@ or ARio Grande@ Detachment, was sent to Pueblo in November, suffering great hardships along the way. Many of the soldiers in each detachment became well as soon as they were out of the doctor=s so called care, but others died along the trail.

Andrew Shupe, a fellow member of Company C, documented several events along the trail to Pueblo:

The weather was rainy and cold, with some snow at night. At least two men died during the trek, Ain the triumph of faith, (but) hating to be buried in the wilderness@ (Shupe). On November 12, a sudden gust of wind blew a campfire out of bounds, starting a large grass fire. Shupe reported that they Ahad to carry water to put it out, and it took all the men to stop it at this place.@

The men immediately Abuilt houses between the homes of the Mississippi Saints. Those who were ill were the first to be given homes. They also built a large building for the purpose of holding their meetings and socials. Some of the Battalion men were assigned to hunt for wild game. The skins of these animals were used to outfit the men in clothing and covering for their feet@ (Women, p. 11).

Some disagreement arose when many of the enlisted men accused the officers of Aabusing their authority, and using religious doctrine to support questionable practices@ (Family History Suite 2). Some of the men wrote expressive signs around their doors or composed poetry critical of the situation. William Karchner wrote that the soldiers had Aplaced over their doors signs for sport. Over Durfee=s door was the picture of a Auger with words >Foolskillers Office=...I found them witty and talented: (qtd. By Kevin, p. 13).

Andrew Shupe, Francillo, and two others received permission to go hunting. On 3 May 1847, Andrew recorded, ADurfee killed two deer.@ On May 9, he wrote, ADurfee and myself rode ten miles up the creek and come to some of our boys that was hunting. We killed a small deer and gave it to them.@ The next day, Andrew wrote, AWe are in sight of a very high peak of the mountains. This is called Pikes Peak.@ The following day they returned to Pueblo (Shupe).

On 24 May 1847, the Battalion members, the women and children, and some of the Mississippi Saints left Pueblo, rejoining the Oregon Trail at Fort Laramie. On the 11th of June, they met Amasa M. Lyman and other Church officials on their way west from Winter Quarters, Abringing letters from friends and families, also counsel from President Brigham Young and news of the travels and destination of the Church@ (Mormon Battalion, p. 104, History of Francillo Durfey).

Sometime during the journey, Francillo and two other Battalion members were confronted by a band of Sioux Indian warriors. As the Indians began to encircle the three men, AFrancillo rode out to meet them, held up his hand, and began to talk. When he got through, the Indians rode up, shook hands with them, and rode away, and Francillo never knew a word that he had said. He had talked with them in tongues@ (Marble, p. 3).

During the first week of July, several horses were stolen from the camp; Francillo, Andrew Shupe, and ten other men were sent to find them. On July 4, the searchers came to the Green River in Wyoming, unaware that Brigham Young=s party was camped just four miles from them. The Battalion men continued on, coming to a ferry. There they met Brigham Young who was sending five men of his company back along the trail to assist other groups of Saints who were coming behind. Heber C. Kimball and Willard Richards as well as other Church leaders were with him. The twelve Battalion members joined Brigham Young=s group (Deseret News).

Andrew Shupe recorded, AWe was then escorted to their camp with President Brigham Young at the head. As we came into camp we received three cheers and a hosannah to God and the Lamb. This was a joyful meeting@ (Shupe).

(Beth Durfey Marble=s history of Francillo indicates that he entered the valley with the other Pueblo Battalion members on 29 July 1847.)

Howard Egan, a member of Brigham Young=s group, entered the valley late in the afternoon of July twenty fourth. He found the men already turning water out of the creeks and readying ground to plant. Cabins and the Bowery for public meetings were also being put up that day (Howard Egan History). Francillo opened with prayer the first meeting held int he Old Bowery (Marble, p. 2). He was rebaptized on 8 Aug 1847 by S.H. Goddard and confirmed by Albert Carrington (Latter Day Saint Family, p. 19). Joseph Fielding Smith explained the ordinance of rebaptism as practiced by the early pioneers:

On 16 August 1847 Francillo left Salt Lake for Council Bluffs with a group of Battalion members and others who were given the assignment by Brigham Young to assist the Saints in their journey west. The company consisted of 71 men, 33 wagons, 14 mules, 16 horses, and 97 yoke of oxen. Francillo was one of the men who had a mule to ride. He was a member of the Fourth Ten, which had three wagons. AThose who have horses to ride (were given the responsibility to) lead the way and fix the road where it needs it, look for camping places, drive the loose cattle and hunt for camp@ (Pioneer Heritage CD). Andrew Shupe recorded:

On another hunting trip, Francillo and his companion were caught in a buffalo stampede. They got off their horses and began shooting, parting the stampede enough that the animals passed by on each side of them (Marble, p.3).

The company arrived in Council Bluffs late in October of 1847. It had been about sixteen months since Francillo had left his children there to join the ranks of the Mormon Battalion. Conditions in Council Bluffs were terrible.

Francillo didn=t stay long in Council Bluffs. The next spring (1848) he helped guide a group of Saints to the Salt Lake Valley, again leaving his children in the care of others. His obituary states, AHe returned to meet the pioneers on the Grand River, and traveled with them to Salt Lake Valley. In the fall he returned with President Brigham Young to Council Bluffs; he arrived again in Salt Lake Valley with his family in 1849" (Deseret Weekly News, vol. 20, p. 7, qtd. by Earl). Beth Marble indicated that he made four trips across the plains (p. 3).

Ebenezer died on 18 April 1847 in Westport, New York. His last will and testament gives a glimpse into his feelings about his son, daughter, and grandchildren who had left Vermont five years earlier, sacrificing all for the gospel.

Somewhere in the thousands of suffering exiles, the family of Elias and Cynthia Harrington Bowen made their way out of Nauvoo and started on the long and miserable trail to Iowa. They also had lost their home and all of their belongings to the mob=s burning, and had very little to travel with (Elias Bowen).

This was the third forced exodus for Cynthia and Elias, and the fourth move they had made for the Gospel they had chosen to embrace. Cynthia Harrington had been born in Shaftsbury, Bennington, Vermont, on 30 November 1811. She was the youngest of several children, mostly boys, born to William Harrington and Elizabeth Hawley. Like Francillo, there was a break of several years between her and her siblings (IGI). On 20 December 1829, Cynthia married Elias Bowen, the son of neighbors James and Rhoda Potter Bowen. The couple set up housekeeping in Shaftsbury, a community only about fifty miles from Lincoln where Francillo and Mariam were living. They were also just a short distance from Norwitch, Vermont, where Joseph Smith=s parents lived. Their first two sons, Casey Potter and Jonathan Slocum, were born there in the early 1830's (Bowen Family History).

Elias joined the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints on 9 June 1830, about two months after the Church was organized; he was twenty one years old and had been married just eight months. The Bowen Family History indicates that Elias joined the Church in New York. They speculate that the young husband may have gone to New York to obtain work building the canals, and was introduced to the Church there. Cynthia was baptized on 6 July 1834, nearly four years after her husband, but it isn=t known if that is her original baptismal date or a rebaptism (Bowen Family). Upon his return to Shaftsbury, Elias became instrumental in helping spread the news of the gospel. A young missionary by the name of Brigham Young Awas preaching the Gospel in Vermont and was wearing a quilt or shawl for a cloak. Elias Bowen gave Brigham Young a coat which he wore all the time he was on his mission@ (Conversion of Elias Bowen).

Sometime before 1837, the Bowens gathered with the Saints in Ohio, living in Newbury, Ohio, about nine miles from Kirtland. Elias worked with other Church members in the building of the Kirtland Temple. Their son, Joseph Leonard, was born there on 5 July 1837 (Bowen Family History). The Saints were soon driven from Kirtland, seeking refuge with another community of Saints which had been established in Missouri. Cynthia and Elias joined about five hundred other Saints in a Atrek that took the entire Summer of 1838" (Elias Bowen). Their son, Norman, was born somewhere along the trail, and to their dismay, the young couple realized that their baby was blind. In 1838, the Extermination Order was issued by Governor Boggs, and the family quickly found themselves banished from another home. Their journey from Missouri to Nauvoo was filled with deprivation and hardship, and the Bowens were relieved to find a place of refuge. They built a home, and Elias again helped with the building of the temple. Their only daughter, Rhoda, was born about 1840, and they named her after Elias= mother. Brigham Young, by then President of the Twelve Apostles, had an opportunity to visit with his old friends from Vermont. .

As near as can be determined, Cynthia and Elias left Nauvoo during the ASummer Exodus@ of about 10,000 Saints. Unlike the Camp of Israel, these people generally traveled in small clusters of wagons made up of groups of relatives or friends. Sometimes there were as few as two wagons, and generally not more than twenty four in each company (Iowa, p. 61). They seemed to just have started west, making their own trails, probably trying to find alternate routes which offered feed for their animals. While most groups went through Iowa, Cynthia and Elias apparently followed the Missouri border across the entire state. They were probably heading for Bank=s Ferry above St. Joseph, Missouri, where Brigham Young had originally intended to cross the Missouri River.

Those leaving with the Winter Exodus had struggled through the mud and rain. The resulting puddles and swamps became a breeding ground for swarms of mosquitoes which spread terrible disease throughout the camps of those in the Summer Exodus. About twelve miles west of St. Joseph, nearly at the end of their journey, Elias and some of the children became ill with Athe fever.@ Joseph and Rhoda, just young children, carried water in lard pails from a spring some distance from their camp all one night, so that Cynthia could bathe and put cold packs on the heads of her sick family to break their fever. The children recovered, but Elias became steadily worse. Before morning, he died. His young sons began to prepare his grave. Several hours had elapsed when Elias suddenly awoke, saying that the ALord has permitted him to stay with them for three more days@ (Bowen Family History, Elias Bowen). He told them that Ahe would like to remain with them through their journey, but he was not permitted to do so, for he was needed on the other side@ (Conversion of Elias Bowen). He bore a powerful witness of the truthfulness of the gospel, testifying that it was Aas true as the Heavens and Earth stands@ (Bowen Family History). He counseled Cynthia not to tell her family about his death. Her family was quite Awell to do,@ and he was afraid that her brothers would come to Missouri for her and the children and take them back to Vermont. He was adamant that his children should Abe with the body of the Church@. One the third day, he died and was buried in the Adesert about twelve miles west of St. Joseph, Missouri (Elias Bowen).

It is a tribute to Cynthia=s testimony and strength of character that she followed Elias= counsel, choosing the hardship and trials which were to follow over the comfortable life that must have been waiting in Vermont. The family had very little to live on, nearly all their possessions having been lost in Nauvoo and their food and resources depleted during the hard journey from Illinois. Cynthia found employment on a large ranch near St. Joseph. She cooked for the ranch hands, and the older boys did odd jobs (Elias Bowen).

After some time, a company of Saints apparently passed through St. Joseph on their way west. Cynthia made plans to join the group, but she and the children hadn=t been able to save sufficient money to make the trek. The kindly rancher for whom- they had been working advanced them the money necessary to pay their way. Jonathan and Casey Potter were old enough to sign on as teamsters. They were finally able to make it to Council Bluffs. Somehow, Cynthia and Francillo met, and they were married there 15 February 1849, possibly by Brigham Young. Several of the histories indicate that they were married in Salt Lake City, but evidence shows that they were married before they left Iowa. It is not known if Francillo and Cynthia knew each other already, but they had a lot in common besides their devotion to the gospel They had both lost their spouses from the persecution, and they shared common roots in Vermont.

Francillo, Cynthia, and their newly combined family made ready to make the move to Utah. They joined the Silas Richards company, the third company to cross the plains that year, leaving Kanesville, Iowa, on 10 July 1849. Augustus A. Farnham was captain of their group of ten. The journey brought more heartache as Cynthia and Elias= only daughter, Rhoda, died during the crossing, and was buried in an unmarked grave somewhere along the trail. Cynthia and all of her children except Rhoda are listed on the camp roster under the Durfey surname, apparently for ease in keeping track of the members of the company. The boys all resumed the use of the Bowen name as soon as they arrived in Utah. Francillo=s two little girls, Emma and Marion (written as Moroni) are also listed with Francillo=s family group, but his sons, Myron Bushnell, Henry Dennison, and James Madison are not listed with the company. The roster may not have been complete, or the boys may have come across the plains with other members of the family or as teamsters. The company Asplit up and traveled mostly as Tens@ after it overtook the George A. Smith Company. The ATens@ arrived in Salt Lake the middle of October 1849 (History, Iowa). Francillo and Cynthia immediately traveled on to Ogden to make their home. Several circumstances suggest that Francillo may have prearranged with his friend, Captain James Brown of the Mormon Battalion, to settle there.

On 9 August 1847, just days after Brigham Young=s company reached Salt Lake, a group of scouts was sent north to explore the Weber valley. There is no record as to whether Francillo or James Brown were in that group, but it is a good possibility. The scouts found that Miles Goodyear and his partner, Mr. Wells, had established a small fort, Fort Buenaventura, on the Weber River. They had purchased the log buildings and corrals which were stockaded with pickets from a man named Crow who had left for Fort Hall. Mr. Wells was tending a small garden of vegetables, including corn, which was of great interest to the Mormons. If corn would grow in that area, then anything else that they wanted to raise would likely do well. Goodyear, feeling confined by the Anearness@ of his new neighbors in Salt Lake and eager for a good profit, offered to sell his holdings for about $2000. The Church leaders were anxious to obtain the property, not only to provide productive land for the many Saints who were en route to Utah, but to prevent Gentiles from settling the area and causing the much persecuted people more grief. However, they could not gather enough money to make the purchase (Weber County, Our Pioneer Heritage, p. 119).

Captain Brown=s wife and family had come with him on the Battalion trek, so he had no need to return to Council Bluffs with Francillo=s party. In August 1847, James, his son Jesse, and several other men, including Sam Brannan, left the Salt Lake Valley for California in order to collect the money the government owed the Pueblo Detachment. Their route took them through the Weber valley. They stopped at Fort Buenaventura, and James approached Goodyear again about buying his holdings. It was late fall when James, Jesse, and two other men started the long and hazardous journey back to Salt Lake City over the Sierra Nevada Mountains. In addition to the large sum of money he had collected in Battalion wages, James carried four bushels of wheat, corn and other seeds on pack horses.

James had stopped again at Fort Buenaventura as they returned home, persuading Miles and Andrew Goodyear to accompany him to the Mormon Camp. James convinced the members of the Church=s High Council that they should use part of the money that he had brought back from California to purchase Goodyear=s land. A group of Church leaders journeyed to the area for a closer look, and the deal was concluded shortly (Weber County, p. 121). Captain Brown paid Goodyear A3000 Spanish doubloons, approximately $2000,...and obtained 75 head of cattle, 75 goats, 6 horses and 12 sheep@ as well as a cabin and a few outbuildings. James and his family moved there early in 1848 (Mormon Battalion, p. 100). Note--In September 1863, James was operating a molasses mill near the Weber River when his sleeve caught in the cogs of the mill and caught his arm, nearly tearing it off. He died three years later at the age of sixty two (Mormon Battalion, p. 100).

Immediately upon his return from Council Bluffs in the fall of 1849, Francillo and Cynthia joined James in the Weber Valley. David Moore, George and Frederick Barker, and Robert Porter and their families came as well, Amaking some twenty-three persons in all,@ A few more settlers came in November (David Moore, Ogden).

The winter of 1849-50 was severe with deep snow. Several head of cattle and sheep died during the winter. On 1 February 1850, a son, Francillo Jr., was born to Francillo and Cynthia.

Francillo Jr.=s daughter related:

About eighty five families of Shoshoni and fifty to sixty families of Utes were camped on the Weber River, just a short distance from the tiny settlement. Neighbors Ann Bligh Barker and Frederick Barker were blessed with the gift of tongues. Several times they spoke to the Indians in their own language and eased potential problems (Jane Barker Durfee). Although they had no trouble with the Indians at that time, the pioneers organized a militia that February with C.C. Canfield, Captain, and F. Durfey, Lieutenant, and some thirty five men, including twelve emigrants on their way to California. When spring came, the Shoshoni moved on to their hunting grounds, but the Utes stayed, suffering several deaths from measles. The melting snow flooded the area, washing out two bridges that James Brown had built, and forcing the settlers to move to higher ground. A heavy snowstorm hit on April 16th, with the snow staying on the ground for several days, making the pioneers late in getting their crops in. The first of June, droves of crickets moved in from the mountains, destroying their precious crops. As in Salt Lake, seagulls swooped in, eating the crickets and saving the grain (David Moore; Weber County).

Jane Barker Durfee, future wife of Henry Dennison, told the following story about her mother, Ann Bligh Barker, and the miraculous rescue of their crops.

June brought droves of gold seekers through Ogden, anxious to replenish their dwindling supplies and using the ferry to cross the Ogden River. David Moore recorded:

Governor Young had counseled the settlers in the outlying communities to Aconcentrate in towns for safety and to build walls about their settlements@ (Enduring Legacy, p. 399). The pioneers had been forced out of Fort Buenaventura by the flooding waters their first spring there, and had built three new forts in that area: Mound Fort, Brown=s Fort, and Farr=s Fort. Francillo=s family lived at Mound Fort, building a cabin and out buildings as well as helping construct the fortifications.

Another source claims that the mud wall and other fortifications were never completed

(Pioneer Heritage).

In 1851, Ogden City was incorporated, becoming the second recognized settlement in Utah. Francillo was one of four aldermen elected to supervise the affairs of the city. In 1853, he was listed as a member of the sixth quorum of the Seventy, with meetings being held the first Sunday of each month at Jacob Peart=s house in Salt Lake City (Kevin, p. 63).

The colonization of the Wasatch valleys by the Mormons, combined with the passage of tens of thousands of California bound emigrants, began to affect the hunting and food gathering activities of the local Indians. Chief Walker and his Ute warriors began causing much trouble in Utah County and other nearby settlements. While there were no serious conflicts in Ogden, the stresses between the Indians and the settlers grew, and some potentially dangerous situations arose. The Indians became more aggressive, often walking into the pioneer=s houses and demanding food and beeves, or stealing them by night. Several very serious confrontations were avoided because certain of the pioneers were blessed with the gift of tongues, speaking to the Indians in their own language. The pioneers had no idea what they were saying, but the Indians understood and the danger was averted (Jane Barker Durfee).

On one occasion, Little Soldier had killed a Bannock Indian man and his wife, taking captive the woman=s little sister. He rode into Mound Fort with the little girl who had been

brutally mistreated. She escaped from her captors, hiding in Ann Bligh Barker=s cabin. Ann refused to return the child. After about a month, the whole tribe returned, surrounding the cabin and threatening to kill the entire family if they did not let the little girl, Roda, go. Finally President Farr, the local church authority, intervened, insisting that the danger to the community was too great and that Roda must be returned to Little Soldier. The Indian immediately began beating the child and cutting her back with knives. Two young girls, Harriet Barker and Louvia Bronson, ran to her aid, grabbing her by the hands and pulling her to safety. The Indians, impressed by the bravery of the little girls, left them alone. A short time later, Roda=s brother came to get her; on the way back home, he met Little Soldier and traded Roda to Little Soldier for some horses. The Indians began raiding the farms, and were afraid that the little girl would testify against them. They decided to burn her at the stake, sending her out with the other children to gather sticks for the fire. Little Soldier=s wife, Needra, went with them, crowding the little girl close to the Weber River where she helped Roda make her escape. The girl found her way back to the Barker home. The next day, the whole tribe came for Roda. Frederick Barker, Ann=s husband, tried to reason with them but the Indians were very angry at her escape and determined to kill her.

Another time, outside help was required to protect Francillo and his neighbors. One September night in 1850, Urban Stewart, a new settler in the area, heard a noise in his corn. Grabbing his gun, he fired at the sound, killing Terikee, chief of the Weber band. Chief Terikee had been very friendly with the Mormons. His band was heading northward, but Terikee and his family had tarried in the valley to bid good-bye to President Lorin Farr. As they camped that night near Stewart=s farm, their ponies got away and into Stewart=s corn. Terikee was innocently retrieving his horses when Stewart killed him.

Stewart panicked when he found out what he had done and headed for help from his nearest neighbor, David Moore. David Arebuked@ Stewart and refused to hide him. Stewart went

from neighbor to neighbor, telling them what had happened, begging them to shelter him. The pioneers were terrified because they knew the Indians would exact revenge for their chief=s death, and felt that if Stewart remained in the area, they would all be in great danger. He reached President Farr=s home about two o=clock in the morning. President Farr told him to Aescape and hide if he desired to save his scalp@ and promised Stewart that he and the others would attempt to protect his family. Stewart found safety in a camp of emigrants who left for Salt Lake at day break.

Early the next morning President Farr sent ten or twelve men to gather the cattle which were grazing some distance from Mound Fort. Farr and David Moore rode to James

Brown=s fort to warn them of the impending danger, and David was then dispatched to Salt Lake to request aid from Governor Young. David encountered Little Soldier=s band on the way, and

explained to them the terrible thing that had happened. Little Soldier became very angry, fired his rifle close over David=s head, and demanded that the Mormons turn Stewart over to them.

David finally convinced Little Soldier that the settlers were not harboring Stewart and that they were also extremely upset about the killing. Little Soldier finally promised that they would not attack Mound Fort until they had received word from ABig Chief@--Governor Young. David continued on to Salt Lake City, and within a few hours, a hundred fifty men had been organized and were riding to the Weber valley. They reached Brown=s Fort early the next morning with the intent of Aovertaking the Indians and making an amicable settlement with them@ (Moore).

Terikee=s son had witnessed his father=s murder and quickly overtook his father=s band who were camped near present day Brigham City. They Arode furiously back with the intent of destroying the settlement in Weber County.@ The warriors came across those who had been sent out to gather the cattle, and, in a skirmish, killed Mr. Campbell, a non Mormon who was wintering in the Weber valley before heading on to California. Daniel Wells, the leader of the approaching militia, sent an old mountain man, Barney Ward, to talk to the Indians and promise negotiations with the tribe about their lands (Shoshoni Frontier, p. 38).

When the Indians realized the size of the approaching militia, they gathered the Chief=s body and retreated north along the Bear River. The soldiers pursued them for about forty miles, returning to Brown=s Fort confident that their actions had alleviated any threat to the community.

General Horace Eldredge, in his final report to Wells, wrote AWe found some of their seeds on the road which they had spilled and would not take time to gather. It is my opinion that they are satisfied. They have had blood for blood. Campbell for Terikee, and will return to their tribe contented.@ They, however, warned emigrants along the way of impending danger and encouraged them to take extra precautions (Shoshoni Frontier, p. 38).

Later that winter, Terikee=s band returned, setting up camp about ten miles from the forts. The Indians began to kill and steal cattle and generally terrorize the settlers. David Moore, with a company of about sixty five militia men, surrounded the camp, taking them captive. The two sides signed a treaty, requiring restitution for stolen horses and cattle, and eventually the pioneers demanded that the Indians give up their weapons (DUP History of Weber County, p. 119).

Once hostilities with the Indians ceased, the pioneers settled into a peaceful life, improving their farms, building their communities, and filling their responsibilities in the gospel. Cynthia and Francillo both received patriarchal blessings during this time. (Cynthia and Elias may have had earlier blessings that we have not located.)

Great Salt Lake City--February 9, 1852

Tragedy struck the family in 1853. Cynthia=s fifteen year old son, Norman Bowen, and another young man had signed on a cattle drive from Salt Lake to California.

On February 6 and 7, 1855, the First General Festival of the Mormon Battalion was held in the Social Hall in Salt Lake City. The First Presidency and all the members of the Mormon Battalion and their families who could attend enjoyed an evening of music, entertainment, and Athe best delicacies and luxuries the country afforded@ (Gardner). After the dignitaries spoke, the members of the Battalion were asked to respond. Francillo is recorded as saying:

Two months later, in April 1855, Francillo, Cynthia, and their family joined the many Church members attending conference in Salt Lake. Brigham Young announced over the pulpit the names of twenty seven men from along the Wasatch Front who were called to Aan extended mission among the Flathead Indians@ (Pioneer Heritage, p. 143). Francillo and some of his friends and neighbors from Ogden, including David Moore and Gilbert Belnap, were among those chosen to go. Brigham Young later explained their mission:

The missionaries were instructed to take enough provisions to last them a year so that they would not be a burden to the Indians. They were told to be honest and upright in all their dealings with the people, and that if they would Alabor in humility for the redemption of these people and always have their welfare at heart God would bless them and crown their labors with success@ (Our Pioneer Heritage, p. 144).

The men were given about five weeks to prepare. They had no idea where they were going or how long it would be before they could return for their families. Cynthia was left with fourteen year old Marion, ten year old Emma, and five year old Francillo Jr. Their older sons from both marriages were apparently living nearby and must have helped care for Cynthia and the younger children. In the midst of their preparations, Francillo and Cynthia traveled to Salt Lake City, where, at 5:45 p.m. on 4 May 1855 they were sealed by President Brigham Young (Gardener, p. 12). The ceremony must have been a personal one as Brigham Young had known Cynthia since her husband, Elias, had befriended him as a young missionary in Vermont, and had subsequently shared with them the persecutions of Kirkland, Missouri, and Nauvoo. He had known Francillo personally since (if not before) Francillo and the other ABattalion Boys@ had met up with Brigham=s party at Green River.

(There are numerous articles and journals detailing the events of the Salmon River Mission. Since most of them are not dated by year, and each deals with particular events important to the writer, the information is often confusing. Original entries are included as much as possible, and, hopefully, they are interpreted correctly).

When the company reached the Portneuf River, they were unable to find a suitable ford. They found an old boat on the river bank, and sent men to Fort Hall, about ten miles away, for calking tools. George Washington Hill reported:

We were encamped on the Portneuf River about five miles from the fort (Fort Hall) when...I discovered some Indians coming directly towards us. It seemed to me that I knew them and I told the boys who were with me, Athere come some of my children and I am going to baptize them@ (Hill). Another missionary, Pleasant Green Taylor, recorded that APresident Young had promised us that the Lamanites would come to meet us and insist on us baptizing them.@ As the Indians came closer, Pleasant Green was surprised that Athey did not hesitate a moment but plunged into the water and swam their horses across both rivers (the Snake and Portneuf) and came and remained with us overnight@ (Green). Israel Justus Clark wrote: ABrother George W. Hill had preached and explained the Book of Mormon to the Indians and on the 30th they came to camp and Brother Hill baptized three of them. Their names were Warahoop, Iockick, and Chemi@ (Clark).

The missionaries crossed Ross= Fork and the Blackfoot River, following up the Snake River which they also crossed once, until they reached Idaho Falls, then named Eagle Rock. Israel Justus Clark recorded on June 1st: AThis morning the camp made a general move to cross the Snake River. After a hard day of labor we got across with our wagons and teams. In swimming our cattle some of them swam and some would not. Our Indian Brethren helped us and then bade us farewell. We camped one mile from the river@ (Clark).

The hardest part of their journey--crossing the lava beds--lay ahead. The missionaries were totally unprepared for the hardships they would face.

On June 12, Israel Clark recorded:

Francillo, President Thomas Smith, David Moore, and B.F. Cummings were the brethren who Awent to look at the country@ (Moore). They traveled some fifteen to twenty miles up the Salmon River. On June 15, the thirtieth day of travel, they chose the site for their settlement. According to David Moore=s odometer, they had traveled 333 miles from Ogden, and 370 miles from Salt Lake City. Thomas Day, who came the next year, described their location. AOn the north...was the majestic, pine laden Bitterroot Mountain: and just to the south and west flowed the clear beautiful stream called the Salmon River. To the south extended a lovely valley of oblong shape dotted with the farms of the missionaries, and the cottonwoods and undergrowth incident to a well-watered naturally fertile country@ (Day, p.2).

Because of the nature of their mission and their reception by the Indians, the missionaries recalled the Book of Mormon mission of the Sons of Mosiah to the Lamanites. Francillo moved that their settlement be called after the great Lamanite King, Limhi, and the others agreed (Moore, Salmon River, p. 10). The name, Limhi, was later changed to Lemhi by the non-Mormon pioneers who later resettled the valley.

There has been much speculation as to why the missionaries did not settle somewhere along the Snake or Portneuf River. In fact, during his visit to the Salmon River Mission, Brigham Young would question the wisdom of traveling so far from the protection of the Church (Our Pioneer Heritage, p. 175). The missionaries may have felt that the small groups of Indians which they had encountered along the way did not meet Brigham Young=s criteria for establishing a mission. These Indians undoubtedly told the missionaries that there were a large number of Nez Perce, Shoshoni, and Bannock Indians gathered for their annual salmon fishing. Probably the most appropriate answer, however, is that the missionaries were following the promptings of the spirit in making such an important decision. This is reflected in the writings of George Washington Hill, a neighbor of Francillo=s from Ogden and the one of the company who had previously learned to speak a little of the Indian language. George wrote:

The Indians from all three tribes welcomed the missionaries. Pleasant Green Taylor wrote that Athe following day after our arrival at that place some 500 Lamanites came to our camp and were very friendly. Many fathers among them brought their daughters and desired us to marry them....When they found we would not take their daughters they departed@ (Taylor). Later Brigham Young explained that some of the men should have married the Indian daughters, Ahe, knowing that if we should take this course it would have the effect of uniting us and causing them to remain our friends.@ At that point, a few of the men did take Indian wives (Taylor). Brigham Madsen, a University of Utah Professor, writes that Chief Le Grand Coquin of the local Bannock and Shoshoni tribe expressed the wish that the Mormons would show his people how to farm because the traders were not allowed to sell the Indians ammunition any more so they could not hunt. They hoped the missionaries could help them learn how to survive with the changes in their lifestyle (Shoshoni Frontier, p. 39).

In true Latter Day Saint fashion, the missionaries began to carve out another home in the wilderness. They immediately began to build a fort and houses for safety and shelter. David Moore reported that Ait was being built of 12 foot Cottonwood timbers set 3 feet in the Ground. Some parts of the ditch are extremely hard to dig. It being Gravel firmly cemented with a White Cement a Man has a hard Job to dig 2 rods per day@ (Moore, p. 10). Another missionary who came later that fall wrote:

Later a stock enclosure was added onto the pallisade. The cottonwood logs of the pallisade formed one side of the enclosure, with the other three walls being made of adobe. The

walls were about six to eight feet tall and in a pyramid shape, with the base about four feet thick narrowing to about a foot thick at the top (Description and picture shown on the Fort Limhi Memorial at Tendoy, Idaho)..

(Note: Our family visited Fort Limhi in August 1999. It is located in Tendoy, Lemhi, Idaho, a town consisting of a small store/gas station/ post office, and a one room school. The MuleShu Ranch owns the fort site, and graciously gave us permission to explore. Little remains to mark the dramatic events that occurred here nearly one hundred and forty years ago. About sixty to eighty feet of the adobe wall is still visible, but most of it has crumbled to about two feet in height. Perhaps thirty to forty feet of the structure is still about four to five feet high. It, too, is crumbling, and a shelter has been erected to preserve it. The wall is a mixture of clay with fist size or smaller rocks. David Moore=s description of Agravel firmly cemented with a white cement@ is apt. Two rock monuments have been erected inside the enclosure; one marks the first irrigation project in Idaho and the other explains a little about the Fort. The beautiful Lemhi River, thick with tall cottonwood trees, runs about a quarter mile to the west through the neatly kept homestead. A small bluff rises on the east, just across the gravel road from the fort. Another large rock monument on the top of the bluff shows a depiction of the fort, lists the names of the missionaries, and gives a history of the mission. Nearby, a barbed wire fence encloses a small cemetery which the owner of the store claims was started by the Mormons. The Lemhi valley stretches generally north and south between the tall, nearly treeless mountain ranges; its narrow width is covered with lush meadows and lines of cottonwood and willow trees. Janis Clark Durfee.)

The missionaries and Indians reciprocated in the sharing of skills and knowledge. A few days after their arrival, one of the chiefs approached George Hill, asking if the missionaries could take their teams and get some large timbers to build a fish trap. The Indians would do the wicker work, and they would all share in the catch of fish. After the trap was finished, the chief told Brother Hill that he should come early in the morning to fish because the Indians were hungry.

Since their calling was to bring the principles of both civilization and salvation to the Indians, the missionaries made a great effort to become friends with the Indians and to teach them how to plant and harvest. They found the Nez Perce Indians to be honorable and pleasurable to deal with, but struggled with the Bannock and Shoshoni Indians. George Washington Hill recorded:

The missionaries faced many challenges besides dealing with the Indians. There was much sickness and several serious injuries which occurred in the camp during their first few weeks there. Then, on 29 July 1855, David Moore records: AThe Grasshoppers or locusts are upon us in vast numbers and are eating all our Garden to the Ground@ (Moore, p. 10). This disaster was made the worse because the Indians expected the missionaries to share their supplies with them. It soon became obvious to the missionaries that their food was not going to last as long as they had hoped. Francillo was among the first group of men to return to Salt Lake in August 1855, with orders to Areturn as soon as possible@ (Heart Throbs of the West, p. 315). The men apparently separated and David Moore=s group traveling a short distance behind found a note left on Antelope Creek on the headwaters of the Salmon River, some fifty miles from Limhi. Written on the back of a pervious note, it read AAug. 14--passed here at 3 p.m. All well. F. Durfey.@

Moore=s group shortly caught up with the others, and David noted, ACapt Durfey and D. Moore killed some young ducks which was prepared for a general mess in the morning...On the suggestion of D. Moore, Capt Durfey thought it best to explore the route up the Portneuf and appointed D. Moore and E. Lish to make a trip through that route@ (Moore, pp. 11-12).

The journey was difficult and hurried for the men were eager to see their families, and those remaining behind at the fort were anxious to receive word from home as well as the much needed supplies. Israel Clark, who was among those sent back to Utah, reported: ASept. 3rd--This day threshed out four bushels of oats, all the fall grain I harvested from fourteen and one-half acres of land. I was visited by Francillo Durfee, received council about moving our families to Fort Limhi and the gathering of wheat and flour to take with us@ (Clark).

Francillo, David Moore, Charles McGary, and Israel J. Clark brought their families back to Fort Limhi with them, arriving there on 19 November 1855. Their wives were the first white women in that part of the country. Francillo brought Athree or four children@ (Pioneer Heritage), which must have included Emma, Marion, and Francillo Jr. They brought twelve wagons Aladen with supplies of wheat, corn and other seeds and several hundred pounds of flour@ (Heart Throbs, p. 315). Even those supplies did not meet the needs of both the missionaries and the Indians, and another group was sent for supplies during the winter; their journey was hazardous and filled with great suffering. The mission continued to grow; several different groups of missionaries returned to their homes in Utah at various times to bring back supplies and were accompanied on their return by other newly called missionaries. There were so many journeys made between Limhi and Salt Lake City that Ait was a veritable highway@ (Shoshoni Frontier, p. 38).

Even though all the missionaries were good and honorable members of the Church, problems and hard feelings arose. On Friday, 6 July 1855, two of the brethren were appointed to Aact as teachers@ visiting all of the camp members. They discovered that Isaac Shepherd and George R. Grant had revived an old feud, and were nursing hard feelings towards each other. A Acouncil of six@ was chosen the next day to settle the difficulty, with Francillo being one of the mediators. On Sunday, all but three of the brethren were rebaptized, and they administered the Sacrament (Moore, p. 7). Later in the mission, Isaac Shepherd had more problems, this time with the leaders, especially B.F. Cummings who was the acting president of the mission while President Smith had returned home briefly.

Problems continued to escalate. President Cummings would chastise one brother for an action, then sanction another to do the same thing. He was also indecisive in some serious dealings with the Indians. The brethren came to dislike him greatly, and a meeting was held to put Brother Cummings out as president.

The settlers spent the winter making their homes more liveable and working with the Indians, learning the language, and trying to fortify their new converts. The Indians again converged upon the fort, expecting to be fed by the missionaries, and further depleting their scanty supplies. One winter (probably 1857), smallpox broke out among the Indians who were encamped near the fort. The missionaries woke one morning to discover that the Indians had left during the night, leaving the body of a squaw in one of the lodges. The missionaries struggled, trying to decide what should be done. Finally three volunteers decided that they would bury the body. Thankfully, they were protected and no smallpox broke out in the fort (Day).

Spring of 1856 found the men and women of the fort eagerly planting a large crop of Apeas, potatoes, garden vegetables and a large field of wheat@ in anticipation of a good harvest (Shurtliff). The young plants grew rapidly in the fertile irrigated soil, and it looked to be a successful year. Then one morning, in a repeat of the previous year, a hoard of grasshoppers settled upon the fields, and despite all their efforts, by the second day, not a stalk of green was standing anywhere (Day). Jacob Miller described their battle with the insects:

There was so little to eat at the fort that the envoys were reluctant to even eat breakfast the morning of their departure. Their friends insisted that they share some of the food. On their third day out, a mountaineer discovered the half starved travelers and directed them to Fort Hall where he had cached a sack of flour (Day). Miller, one of those remaining at Fort Limhi, recorded: AAugust 11th Began gleaning the smutty wheat the grasshoppers had left, cut it with a butcher knife, threshed it with a stick, washed the smut off in a tub, dried it in a bake oven, ground it in a coffee mill, baked it--bran included--and had bread once more. And oh! What a treat!@ (Miller).

The winter passed, and on 8 May 1857, Brigham Young and a group of 142 people arrived at Fort Limhi to inspect the mission. An express had been sent ahead, making a 200 mile journey in about 3 days, to alert the missionaries of their approaching visitors. The missionaries set to work improving the road through the Narrows and generally cleaning the fort. It snowed six inches the morning of the group=s arrival. Among the visitors were Francillo=s good friends, Captain James Brown from the Mormon Battalion, and Lorin Farr, President of Mound Fort. President Young expressed his concern at the location of the settlement. He had apparently anticipated that the missionaries would settle somewhere nearer the Snake River, and was anxious because it would be hard to send help that great distance if problems arose in the mission. He also felt that the fort was situated too close to a knoll which could provide the Indian means to fire arrows into the fort. He also wondered why the missionaries had not married Indian wives, since the unions would serve to strengthen ties between the two peoples (Hill, Green). He promised that he would send more missionaries to strengthen the mission, and then blessed the fort. He commended the settlers on the cleanliness and the general appearance of the fort. He also had Daniel Wells organize a militia with Thomas Smith as Colonel and David Moore as Lieutenant. By the time his entourage left, the settlers felt encouraged and blessed by his visit (Our Pioneer Heritage).

The settlers began building another fort and more houses some four to five miles below (north) of the original fort for safety and to accommodate new groups of missionaries. A bumper crop was raised that year, and the community land was divided into individual farms (Day). A grist mill was set up, and the community was becoming more self sufficient. The settlers had a herd of close to three hundred head of cattle. Several of the men also married Indian wives.

During the spring of 1857, the Durfees were in Mound Fort. They may have returned with President Young=s company. Henry Dennison=s new bride, Jane Barker Durfee, lived with his stepmother during that spring and summer while Den was called to ride with the Pony Express (Jane). In October 1857, Francillo, Cynthia, and their children are listed among the missionaries heading for the Salmon River Mission. Cynthia=s two sons, Joseph and Jonathan Bowen, and Jonath